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Newsletter August 29, No. 43
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Subject: Newsletter August 29, No. 43
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From: csli@csli.stanford.edu
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Date: Wed 28 Aug 1985 17:10:02-PDT
C S L I N E W S L E T T E R
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August 29, 1985 Stanford Vol. 2, No. 43
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A weekly publication of The Center for the Study of Language and
Information, Ventura Hall, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305
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CSLI ACTIVITIES FOR *THIS* THURSDAY, August 29, 1985
12 noon TINLunch
Ventura Hall ``A Unified Indexical Analysis of ``same'' and
Conference Room ``different'': A Response to Stump and Carlson''
by David Dowty
Discussion led by Mats Rooth
2:15 p.m. CSLI Talk
Ventura Hall No talk this week
Conference Room
3:30 p.m. Tea
Ventura Hall
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CSLI ACTIVITIES FOR *NEXT* THURSDAY, September 5, 1985
12 noon TINLunch
Ventura Hall ``Predication, Logical Syntax, and the Type-free
Conference Room Conception of Properties, Relations, and Propositions''
Discussion led by Chris Menzel
(Abstract on page 2)
2:15 p.m. CSLI Talk
Ventura Hall No talk this week
Conference Room
3:30 p.m. Tea
Ventura Hall
Page 2 CSLI Newsletter August 29, 1985
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ABSTRACT FOR NEXT WEEK'S TINLUNCH
``Predication, Logical Syntax, and the Type-free Conception
of Properties, Relations, and Propositions''
Since Frege, the (arguably) dominant conception of properties,
relations, and propositions (PRPs) has been typed. The first rigorous
formal development of this view by Russell was motivated largely by
his discovery of the justly famous paradox that bears his name, and
was for many years considered the definitive solution to the problem.
More recently, the view (albeit in extensionalist garb) has enjoyed a
renewed respectability, and a renewed applicability, in linguistics
and the philosophy of language prompted by Montague's assiduous
investigations into the semantics of natural language.
Recent years, however, have seen a growing dissatisfaction with the
typed conception of PRPs. I will begin this week's discussion by
pointing out some of the problems lurking behind this dissatisfaction,
and will then present the basics of a type-free alternative. Despite
the fact that Frege himself had a typed conception of PRPs, the
type-free view I will present is largely Fregean in spirit: I will
argue in particular that properties and relations are in some sense
``unsaturated.'' This insight, however, doesn't require typing, as
Frege seemed to think, and I will show where, in my view, he went
wrong. I will then argue that the standard function/argument notation
of first- and higher-order logic ought, as Frege intended, to be
thought of as representing the ``completion'' of an unsaturated
property or relation, and not, contra Bealer, the standing of two or
more objects in a further relation of predication. This suggests a
number of important questions about the nature of logic that will be
raised for discussion. --Chris Menzel
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INTERACTIONS OF MORPHOLOGY, SYNTAX, AND DISCOURSE
``Swedish Ditransitives''
Summary of the meeting on Thursday, August 22
In most Swedish ditransitive sentences, either object may
passivize. This talk addressed the question of what special property
of Swedish permits the second object to advance to subjecthood in the
passive. It was argued that the property in question is a disjunction
between two syntactic functions, SUBJECT and TOPIC, on the
sentence-initial position (the verb-second constraint). Subjects can
be distinguished from topics through various syntactic tests (e.g.,
embedding under raising verbs), but this distinction is often opaque
in simple clauses. It was argued that this conflation of two
alternative functions on a single constituent structure node has
caused the topic to be reanalyzed as a subject. Since topicalization
does not alter grammatical relations, it applies freely to second
objects in Swedish and English. But only in Swedish can this
topicalized second object be reanalyzed as a subject. When the source
(before topicalization) is an impersonal passive construction, the
result is a passivized second object.
Finally, a ``movement'' analysis, in which topicalization and
passivization are two instances of a single process defined on
c-structure (such as ``move alpha''), was rejected. With verbs
subcategorized for both a direct object and an oblique function, the
prepositional object topicalizes but does not passivize, even in
identical c-structures. This suggests that the two processes belong
to different sub-components of the syntax. --Steve Wechsler
Page 3 CSLI Newsletter August 29, 1985
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NEW CSLI REPORTS
Report No. CSLI-85-29, ``Equations, Schemata and Situations: A
framework for linguistic semantics'' by Jens Erik Fenstad,
Per-Kristian Halvorsen, Tore Langholm, and Johan van Benthem, and
Report No. CSLI-85-30, ``Institutions: Abstract Model Theory for
Computer Science'' by J. A. Goguen and R. M. Burstall, have just been
published. These reports may be obtained by writing to David Brown,
CSLI, Ventura Hall, Stanford, CA 94305 or Brown@SU-CSLI.
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