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Newsletter May 2, No. 27
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Subject: Newsletter May 2, No. 27
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From: csli@csli.stanford.edu
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Date: Wed 1 May 1985 16:34:55-PDT
C S L I N E W S L E T T E R
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May 2, 1985 Stanford Vol. 2, No. 27
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A weekly publication of The Center for the Study of Language and
Information, Ventura Hall, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305
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CSLI ACTIVITIES FOR *THIS* THURSDAY, May 2, 1985
12 noon TINLunch
Ventura Hall ``Categorizing the Senses of `Take' ''
Conference Room by Peter Norvig
Discussion led by Douglas Edwards
2:15 p.m. CSLI Seminar
Redwood Hall ``Property Theory and Second-Order Logic''
Room G-19 Chris Menzel, CSLI
3:30 p.m. Tea
Ventura Hall
4:15 p.m. CSLI Colloquium
Redwood Hall ``A Formal Theory of Innate Linguistic Knowledge''
Room G-19 Janet Fodor, University of Connecticut
Originally scheduled for April 11
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CSLI ACTIVITIES FOR *NEXT* THURSDAY, May 9, 1985
12 noon TINLunch
Ventura Hall ``Scenes and Events''
Conference Room by Steven Neale, Dept. of Linguistics, Stanford
(Abstract on page 2)
2:15 p.m. CSLI Seminar
Redwood Hall ``Approaches to Generalized Quantifiers in
Room G-19 Heim/Kamp Semantics''
Mats Rooth, CSLI
(Abstract on page 2)
3:30 p.m. Tea
Ventura Hall
4:15 p.m. CSLI Colloquium
Redwood Hall ``Reduced Forms of Comparative Clauses''
Room G-19 James D. McCawley, University of Chicago
(Abstract on page 3)
Page 2 CSLI Newsletter May 2, 1985
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ABSTRACT OF NEXT WEEK'S TINLUNCH
``Scenes and Events''
In his paper ``The Logic of Perceptual Reports", Jim Higginbotham
presents an alternative to Situation Semantics' treatment of the
semantics of naked-infinitive perceptual reports such as ``John saw
Mary wink''. Drawing on an idea of Davidson's, Higginbotham attempts
to make explicit the implicit quantification over events in
NI-perceptual reports by augmenting the valency of certain verbs with
an extra quantifiable place. In this way, he purports to capture
Barwise's semantic generalizations purely formally at a level of
linguistic representation intimately related to LF in
Government-Binding theory.
In ``Scenes and Events'' Stephen Neale critically evaluates
Higginbotham's proposal, concluding that it fails on both semantic and
syntactic grounds: (i) it neither gives an adequate account of the
semantic facts it was meant to account for nor meshes with the sorts
of syntactic considerations which are supposed to motivate it, (ii) it
fails to confront problems which must be encountered by any purely
formal account of certain classes of semantic facts, and (iii) it
admits of no simple incorporation into the GB framework within which
Higginbotham wishes to embed it.
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ABSTRACT OF NEXT WEEK'S SEMINAR
``Approaches to Generalized Quantifiers in Heim/Kamp Semantics''
The original versions of Heim's file change semantics and Kamp's
discourse representation theory treated the quantificational
determiners ``every'' and ``no''. It has been pointed out that
extensions to other quantifiers are not immediate. One problem is
that the variable corresponding to the head of a quantified NP and the
variables corresponding to indefinites in the NP are given equal
status, although ``many a man who owns a donkey beats it'' and ``many
a donkey which is owned by a man is beaten by him'' appear to have
different truth conditions. Recently, generalized quantifier
treatments for DR theory have been proposed by Klein and others. I
will show how Barwise's parameterized set quantifiers can be
considered a theory of generalized quantifiers for file change
semantics, and consider extensions to plurals. --Mats Rooth
Page 3 CSLI Newsletter May 2, 1985
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ABSTRACT OF NEXT WEEK'S COLLOQUIUM
``Reduced Forms of Comparative Clauses''
Russell in 1905 observed that ``than''-clauses within a subordinate
clause can be ambiguous with regard to scope, e.g., (1) is ambiguous
with regard to whether the clause introduced by ``than'' is
semantically part of the complement of ``think.'' However, not all
reduced forms of ``than''-clauses exhibit this ambiguity; i.e., for
example, it is absent from the fully reduced ``than''-clause of (2).
(1) I thought your yacht was longer than it is.
(2) I thought your yacht was longer than her yacht.
If the clause introduced by ``than'' or ``as'' is treated as a
definite description (the x such that your yacht is x much long) and
underlying structures are assumed in which quantified expressions
(including definite descriptions) are sisters of the Ss that serve as
their scopes, the difference in possible interpretations of the
different reduced ``than''-clauses follows from the typology of
deletion transformations that distinguishes pronominal deletions,
which are subject only to the general constraints on where pronouns
can occur in relation to their antecedents, from REDUCTIONS, which
delete all but one constituent of an item and are subject to a
locality condition.
The resulting analysis of fully reduced ``than''-clauses, as in
(2), reveals them in fact to be ambiguous, but in a different way from
(1), and, in conjunction with an analysis in which tenses and
auxiliary verbs are external to their host Ss in underlying structure,
accounts for the 3-way ambiguity of (3).
(3) John has eaten more pizza than Bill.
--James McCawley
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ABSTRACT OF AREA NL-1 MEETING
``New Aspects of Aspect: A Look at Mandarin Chinese''
Carlota S. Smith, University of Texas
Friday, May 10, 2:30 pm, Ventura Hall Conference Room
A study of the aspectual system of Mandarin Chinese tests current
approaches to aspect: the system is considerably more complex than
that of familiar Indo-European languages, with several perfectives and
two imperfectives. Certain features of Chinese are particularly
interesting. One perfective involves an interval that spans beyond
the final endpoint of the situation talked about; it requires a
viewpoint component of aspect separate from situation type. Another
perfective, with reduplication, presents a particular situation type.
It can be accounted for with an aspect-changing lexical rule and
suggests the notion of marked, language-specific situation types. The
imperfectives differentiate the internal structure of statives and
non-statives. Finally, the Aristotelian situation types are realized
in Chinese within the general pattern of the language. Some verbs are
subtly different from their English counterparts, realizing different
situation types in each language. Thus, ``die'' is an Accomplishment
in English and an Achievement in Chinese. (No interpretation of this
point is offered.)
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